SanomaWSOY:n tekemä rikos jäi selvittämättä!

Irak-vuoto-asiakirjat olivat Helsingin käräjäoikeuden päätöksen mukaan salaisia. Ilta-Sanomat julkisti niitä kuitenkin neljään eri kertaan, siis rikkoi lakia toistuvasti jatkuvasti. Suomen lain mukaan rikokseen osallistunutta pitää rangaista kuin olisi sen itse tehnyt. Valtakunnansyyttäjä Matti Kuusimäki ei kuitenkaan nostanut syytettä Ilta-Sanomia vastaan, koska lehden edustajat olivat poliisikuulusteluissa kertoneet, etteivät tiedä kuka asiakirjat oli lähettänyt ruskeassa kirjekuoressa toimitukseen. Kirjekuoretkin on sittemmin hävitetty.

Julkaistessaan salainen-leimalla varustettujen asiakirjojen sisältöä lehti on joutunut punnitsemaan rikoksen ankaruutta ja siitä saadun hyödyn arvoa. Lisäksi se on punninnut voisiko siitä joutua kiinni, toisin sanoen tulisiko kirjeen lähettäjä esiin, jolloin löytyisi henkilö syytettäväksi ja tuomittavaksi ja siinä samassa sitten kanssarikolliseksi. Kyllä kai lehti jotenkin on joutunut varmistamaan, ettei ihan mitä tahansa tuntemattoman lähettäjän salaisiksi julistettujen asiakirjojen sisältöä julkista ja on siis joutunut hankkimaan itseasiassa tietoja asiakirjojen sisällöstä sen jakeluun kuuluneilta ulkoasiainhallinnon virkamiehiltä.

Salaisten asiakirjojen vuotamisesta voi saada jopa vankeustuomion, käsitykseni mukaan. Toisin sanoen rikos ei vanhene vielä moneen vuoteen. Auta armias, jos vuotaja jostain syystä myöhemmin ilmoittautuu ja vetää mukaansa SanomaWSOY:n kanssarikollisekseen. Miten sitten suu pannaan vai olisiko nyt vain parasta ristiä kädet siellä sun täällä.

Pertti Manninen, sanomanetti.fi torstaina 25.03.2004.

PS. Almamedian Iltalehteen vuodetut asiakirjat olivat hiukan erimuotoisia ja niissä erään asiakirjan numero oli samalla tavalla virheellinen kuin käräjäoikeudessa sakkoihin tuomitun Martti Mannisen tietokoneen kovalevyltä oli löytynyt. Tämä asettaa aika outoon valoon valtakunnansyyttäjän syyttämättäjättämispäätöksen.

Sama.

Ja varmemmaksi vakuudeksi sanomanetti.fi tietenkin julkisti iltapäivälehtien julkaiseman aineiston viime kesänä seuraavasti:

Irak-vuotoasiakirjat julkaistiin iltapäivälehdissä. Tässä aineisto kokonaisuudessaan.

11.3.2003. Ilta-Sanomat.
11.3.2003. Iltalehti.
12.3.2003. Ilta-Sanomat.
12.3.2003. Iltalehti.
8.5.2003. Ilta-Sanomat. Uusia!

Edellä on mainittu Ilta-Sanomien kolme numeroa, jossa salaista aineistoa julkaistiin. Ja kuinka sitten sattuikaan. Käsiini osui vielä neljäskin lehti, joka ilmestyi kaksi päivää viimeisen julkistuksen jälkeen ja jossa sama aineisto julkaistiin uudelleen varmemmaksi vakuudeksi! Toistuva ja jatkettu rikos, yleensähän siitä saa lisärangaistuksen!

Samapa vaan. Hohhoijaa. Lähden kahville.

"I have a dream"

Martin Luther King

To mark its 40th anniversary, we reprint the words of Martin Luther King's "I have a dream" speech.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of colour are concerned. Instead of honouring this sacred obligation, America has given the negro people a bad cheque which has come back marked "insufficient funds". But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this cheque - a cheque that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquillising drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquillity in America until the negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvellous new militancy which has engulfed the negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realise that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the negro is a victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We can not be satisfied as long as a negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its viscious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day, right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I come back to the south with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old negro spiritual, "Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

I have a dream

On August 28 1963, Martin Luther King stood on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and delivered a speech that made America - and the whole world - sit up and listen. Gary Younge explains how it came about, how President Kennedy tried to stop it, and why it is as important now as it was then

Children of the Dream

Ben Okri celebrates the 40th anniversary of Martin Luther King's "I have a dream" speech with a new poem

'Let freedom ring...'

To mark its 40th anniversary, we reprint the words of Martin Luther King's "I have a dream" speech

Thursday August 21, 2003
The Guardian

• Bush congratulates president-elect Obama
• How they voted - state by state guide
• Democrats make key gains in Congress
• In pictures: celebrations around the globe
• Obama speech: 'Victory belongs to you'
• John McCain's concession speech
• Martin Kettle: The challenge ahead
• Obama's family celebrates in Kenya
• Protecting President Obama
• Cartoon: Steve Bell on a historic verdict
• Full coverage of the US election

• Barack Obama: 'Change has come to America'
• Obama rumoured to be near revealing team
• Obama faces task of solving economic crisis
• Tomasky Talk: A night to remember
• US election briefing: A momentous night
• Deadline USA: Our election night blog in full
• Obama promises his daughters a puppy
• What's in President Obama's in-tray?
• Presidential perks to survive change

Rakentamisbisneksen läheisyys tuo turvallisuutta!
Sanomanetti mm. keskiviikkona 2006-10-04

"On myös moraalitonta, että pankeille on annettu oikeus periä luottotappionsa kahteen kertaan, ensin ne maksettiin veronmaksajilta puristetuin tukirahoin ja nyt niitä yritetään periä konkurssiin ajettujen ihmisten pienistäkin tuloista jo toiseen kertaan." Seppo Haavisto Äänekoski